I speak here of the proper referent when looking to the
original meaning of text—in this case, constitutional text but also including
legislative text. Much bandied about by
conservatives and libertarians is the notion of “original public meaning” which
is usually refers to the meaning that some hypothetical hearer or reader of
the text (constitutional or legislative) might give the text at the time of
adoption or enactment. In Bostock v.
Clayton County, 590 U.S. ___, ___ S.Ct. ___ (6/16/20), here, a statutory
interpretation case, the Justices seem to sign onto the notion that original
public meaning was the proper referent rather than the intent of the
legislators. See Supreme Court Case on
Statutory Interpretation (Federal Tax Procedure Blog 6/16/20; 6/24/20), here.
In Chiafalo, a constitutional interpretation case, the
majority did not mention any notion of referring to original public meaning and
instead referred to the words of the Constitution and the words of the Framers. In his dissent, Justice Thomas takes the majority to task on this issue as follows
(dissenting opinion p. 12): “[T]he
Framers’ expectations aid our interpretive inquiry only to the extent that they
provide evidence of the original public meaning of the Constitution.” The majority
opinion does not frame its use of the Framers’ words as being used solely to
determine the original public meaning.
So, which is it? I
don’t know.
I do know that the drafters of constitutions or
legislation is done not by mythical members of the original public but by duly chosen
representatives (either in a constitutional convention or a legislature). They were chosen to act for the constituencies
they represented. If representative
democracy means anything, surely it means that these chosen representatives
speak for the communities they represent and their intentions mean something.
What are they—potted plants? (Evoking the famous words of Brendan Sullivan in the congressional
hearings in the Iran-Contra scandal, see Wikipedia here. To know what their intent (and by
representation their constituencies’ intent), what they said is relevant to the interpretation of the text. What some mythical person at the time, like
Joe the Ploughman, might have thought the words meant is not really relevant in
a representative democracy. (On Joe the
Ploughman, see Jack N. Rakove, Joe the Ploughman Reads the Constitution, or,
the Poverty of Public Meaning Originalism, 48 San Diego L. Rev. 575 (2011),
here.) If we are talking about lenity or some similar concept for penalties, that is another issue because the public's ability to discern the meaning from the text is relevant, but if outside that context, the drill ought to be to interpret the statute in a manner consistent with the text and the intent of the representative drafters.
That is why I continue to think that, particularly in my
field of interest (taxation), the legislative history is worthy of consideration. Generally, tax legislative history is pretty
good because of the quality of the nonpartisan Joint Committee Staff that has a
substantial hand in the process of producing legislative history. That does not mean legislative history should
control. Some legislative history is
persuasive; some is not. Like any other
evidence, the judge must be discerning. It
is their job to be discerning and not throw out the baby with the bath water.
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