I have written earlier about the constricted pre-enforcement litigation opportunities for IRS guidance. See
Pre-Enforcement Litigation of IRS Guidance (Federal Tax Crimes Blog 8/6/19),
here. In that posting, I cite
CIC Services LLC v. IRS, 925 F.3d 247 (6th Cir. 2019),
here, (holding pre-enforcement procedural challenge to an IRS Notice was barred).
In
CIC Servs. v. IRS, ___ F.3d ___, 2019 U.S. App. LEXIS 26007 (6th Cir. 2019),
here, the Sixth Circuit denied petition for rehearing en banc. Denials for petitions for rehearing en banc are frequent and usually unexceptional, but, in my judgment, this denial is exceptional because of the concurring and dissenting opinions on the denial. The principal concurring and dissenting opinions (by Judges Clay, concurring, and Thapar, dissenting) are noteworthy, not because they are particularly enlightening to those who have followed the issue but because they are populated with so much hyperbole. I will leave it to readers to parse the opinions if they choose.
I am trying to imagine what exactly caused this burst of hyperbole. I gather that Judge Thapar, who was on President Trump's list of possible Supreme Court nominees, started the ball rolling by writing a dissenting opinion using the narrow legal issue as an attack on the administrative state. Hyperbole in attacks on the administrative state are much used by judges with strong conservative/libertarian bents. Readers of Judge Thapar's dissent who have followed this area of the law will recognize his overture to Justice Gorsuch, in an equally hyperbolic opinion, citing an "elephant in the room" in
Gutierrez-Brizuela v. Lynch, 834 F.3d 1142, 1149 (10th Cir. 2016),
here (which was a concurring opinion to the panel opinion Justice Gorsuch wrote because he could not get another judge to agree with the hyperbole in the concurring opinion). Sixth Circuit Judge Nalbandian had already stated the case in his panel dissent with less hyperbole. So, why did Judge Thapar enter the fray on a denial for petition for rehearing en banc? Maybe he saw the denial as an opportunity to rail against the administrative state for his own personal satisfaction. Maybe. But, maybe also, he saw the dissent as an opportunity to further endear himself with the audience that could elevate him to the Supreme Court (most prominently, the Federalist Society through whom President Trump vets judicial nominations and those in sway of the Federalist Society, including President Trump and those who help him select judicial nominees). See Fred Barnes, See Reshaping the Judiciary (Washington Examiner 5/31/19),
here. The opinion will certainly resonate with that audience. And, assuming President Trump fails to obtain re-election, Thapar's only hope for a Supreme Court position will be an opening in the next year or so. (Senate Leader McConnell has already said that, for a Trump nominee, he will reject the rule he created whole cloth to deny Merrick Garland a seat on the Supreme Court because nominated in the election cycle; and, of course, McConnell is a big supporter of Thapar.) After next year, I suspect, there is no hope for Thapar to be a Supreme Court Justice. So, its now or never, and he must remind that audience that he is their man (as if they did not already know that).
Judge Thapar's opinion drew the concurring opinion of Judge Clay, who opens with this zinger by calling Judge Thapar's dissent the "latest attempt to inflict death by distorted originalism on the modern administrative state."
Finally the concurring opinion by Judge Sutton, seems to be merely a plea or suggestion, without hyperbole, to the Supreme Court to take cert and smooth the rough edges in the law.
Addendum 8/31/19 11:45 am: