Loper Bright (22-451)
The Supreme Court docket for the October Term includes Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo (SEC) (Sup. Ct. Dkt. 22-451 here.) (“Loper Bright”) where the issue for which certiorari was granted is:
Whether the Court should overrule Chevron or, at least clarify that statutory silence concerning controversial powers expressly but narrowly granted elsewhere in the statute does not constitute an ambiguity requiring deference to the agency.
After being quiet on Chevron for several years (at least in an outcome-determinative sense), the Court appears poised to make some statement about Chevron. As I read the earlier decision in Kisor v. Wilkie, 139 S. Ct. 589 U.S. ___, 2400 (2019) (“Kisor”) (GS, here), where the Court approved so-called Auer deference to reasonable agency subregulatory interpretations of ambiguous regulations text, the Court could not have rendered the decision in Kisor without thinking that Chevron deference was still good law. If that is true, I speculate (correctly or not) the outcome in Loper Bright. (Emphasis on outcome.) I undertook this speculation in preparing a paper where the paper discusses the tax deference opinions before the APA was enacted in 1946 which have been largely ignored in discussing the meaning of APA 5 USC § 706, here [§ 10(e) of the original APA] and how central they were to the shape of the text of §10(e) [§ 706].
I undertook the speculation on the assumption that those voting in the majority to adopt Auer deference as formulated would vote to accept Chevron deference. The Court fine-tuned Auer deference in Kisor and perhaps that may be what happens in Loper Bright.
Of course, there have been two key changes on the Court since Kisor – Justices Ginsburg and Breyer, both accepting deference in Kisor, are no longer on the Court and have been replaced by Justices Barrett and Jackson. I infer that Justice Barrett will vote to overturn or severely constrict Chevron deference (E.g., E.g., Jeremy W. Peters, Trump’s New Judicial Litmus Test: ‘Shrinking the Administrative State’ (NYT 3/26/18)); I infer that Justice Jackson will vote to approve Chevron deference, perhaps joining a majority will want to constrict somewhat the sweep of Chevron deference as it did for Auer deference in Kisor.
I assume that the Justices still on the Court who voted to accept Auer deference in Kisor will vote for Chevron deference. Those Justices are Kagan and Sotomayor and perhaps Roberts (although not clear to me). The reverse of that is true as to those Justices voting against Auer deference or constricting it to equipoise. Those Justice are Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch. I think Justice Roberts as in Kisor might be persuaded by stare decisis, and Justice Kavanaugh may approve Chevron on the basis he approved Kisor (with rigorous Chevron Footnote 9 interpretation, which, as he articulates it in Kisor, comes close to rejecting deference without formally rejection of Chevron deference except in rare interpretive equipoise where the court cannot determine that the agency interpretation is not best).
So the lineup I see is:
For deference: Kagan, Sotomayor, Jackson
Against deference: Thomas, Aito, Gorsuch, and Barrett
Can't call: Roberts and Kavanaugh.
Corner Post (No. 22-1008)